Peace with Mexico. By Albert Gallatin

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PEACE WITH MEXICO
A. Gallatin

.

PEACE

WITH

MEXICO.

BY

ALBERT GALLATIN.

BARTLETT & WELFORD:
NO. 7 ASTOR HOUSE. NEW YORK

I. THE LAW OF NATIONS.

IT seems certain that Mexico must ultimately submit to such
terms of peace as the United States shall dictate. An heteroge
neous population of seven millions, with very limited resources.
and no credit ; distracted by internal dissensions, and by the ambi
tion of its chiefs, a prey by turns to anarchy and to military usur
pers ; occupying among the nations of the civilized world, either
physically or mentally, whether in political education, social state,
or any other respect, but an inferior j^sLtjon ; cannot contend suc
cessfully with an energetic, intelligent, enlightened and united na
tion of twenty millions, possessed of unlimited resources and credit,
and enjoying all the benefits of a regular, strong, and free govern
ment. All this was anticipated ; but the extraordinary successes of
the Americans have exceeded the most sanguine expectations. AH
the advanced posts of the enemy | New Mexico, California, the line
of the lower Rio Norte, and all the sea ports, which it was deemed
necessary to occupy, have been subdued.^ And a small force, ap
parently incompetent to the object, has penetrated near three hun
dred miles into the interior, and is now in quiet possession of the
far-famed metropolis of the Mexican dominions. The superior skill
and talents of our distinguished generals, and the unparalleled
bravery of our troops, have surmounted all obstacles. By whom
soever commanded on either side ; however strong the positions
and fortifications of the Mexicans, and with a tremendous nu
merical superiority, there has not been a single engagement, in
which they have not been completely defeated. The most re
markable and unexpected feature of that warfare is, that volun
teers, wholly undisciplined in every sense of the word, have vied in
devotedness and bravery with the regular forces, and have proved
themselves, in every instance, superior in the open field to the best
regular forces of Mexico. These forces are now annihilated or
dispersed; and the Mexicans are reduced to a petty warfare of
guerillas which, however annoying, cannot be productive of any
important results.

It is true, that these splendid successes have been purchased at
a price far exceeding their value. It is true that, neither the glory
of these military deeds, nor the ultimate utility of our conquests

can compensate the lamentable loss of the many thousand valuable
lives sacrificed in the field, of the still greater number who have
met with an obscure death, or been disabled by disease and fatigue,
ft is true that their relatives, their parents, their wives and children
find no consolation, for the misery inflicted upon them, in the still
greater losses experienced by the Mexicans. But if, disregarding
private calamities and all the evils of a general nature, the neces
sary consequences of this war, we revert solely to the relative
position of the two countries, the impotence of the Mexicans and
their total inability to continue the war, with any appearance of
success, are still manifest.

The question then occurs : What are the terms which the United
States have a right to impose on Mexico ? All agree that it must
be an " honorable peace ;" but the true meaning of this word must
in the first place be ascertained.

The notion, that anything can be truly honorable which is con
trary to justice, will, as an abstract proposition, be repudiated by
every citizen of the United States. Will any one dare to assert,
/ that a peace can be honorable, which does not conform with jus
tice ?

There is no difficulty in discovering the principles by which the
-elations between civilized and Christian nations should be reg-
ula ^d, and the reciprocal duties which they owe to each other.
These principles, these duties have long since been proclaimed ; and
the true law of nations is nothing else than the conformity to the
sublime precepts of the Gospel mobility, precepts equally applicable
to the relations between man and man, and to the intercourse
between nation and nation. "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as
thyself." " Love your enemies." " As you would that men should
do to you, do ye also to them likewise." The sanctity of these
commands is acknowledged, without a single exception, by every
denomination of Christians, or of men professing to be such. The
sceptical philosopher admits and admires the precept. To this
holy rule we should inflexibly adhere when dictating the terms of
peace. The UnitecUStates, though they have the power, have no
right to impose terms inconsistent with justice. It would be a
shameful dereliction of principle, on the part of those who were
averse to the annexation of Texas, to countenance any attempt to
claim an acquisition of territory, or other advantage, on account
of the success of our arms.

f>

But in judging the acts of our Government, it must be admitted
that statesmen think a conformity to these usages which con
stitute the law of nations, not as it should be, but as it is practically,
sufficient to justify their conduct. And by that inferior standard,
those acts and our duties in relation to Mexico will be tested.

II. INDEMNITIES TO CITIZENS OF THE
UNITED STATES.

:

The United States had, and continue to have, an indubitable
right to demajidjyull^^ for any wrongs inflicted on our

citizens by the Government of Mexico, in violation of treaties or
of the acknowledged law of nations. The negotiations for satisfy
ing those just demands, had been interrupted by the annexation
of Texas. When an attempt was subsequently made to renew
them, it was therefore just and proper, that both subjects should
be discussed at the same time : and it is now absolutely necessary,
that those just claims should be fully provided for, in any treaty
of peace that may be concluded, and that the payment should be
secured against any possible contingency. I take it for granted
that no claims have been, or shall be sustained by our Govern
ment, but such as are founded on treaties or the acknowledged
law of nations.

Whenever a nation becomes involved in war, the manifestoes,
and every other public act issued for the purpose of justifying its
conduct, always embrace every ground of complaint which can
possibly be alleged. But admitting, that the refusal to satisfy the
claims for indemnity of our citizens might have been a just cause
of war, it is most certain, that those claims were not the cause of
that in which we are now involved.

It may be proper, in the first place, to observe, that the refusal
of doing justice, in cases of this kind, or the long delays in providing
for them, have not generally produced actual war. Almost always
long protracted negotiations have been alone resorted to. This has
been strikingly the case with the United States. Hhe claims of
Great Britain for British debts, secured by the treaty of 1783, were
not settled and paid till the year 1803 ; and it was only subsequent
to that year, that the claims of the United States, for depredations

committed in 1793, were satisfied. The very plain question of
slaves, carried away by the British forces in 1815, in open viola
tion of the treaty of 1814, was not settled and the indemnity paid
till the year 1826. The claims against France for depredations,
committed in the years 1806 to 1813, were not settled and paid
for till the year 1834. In all those cases, peace was preserved by
patience and forbearance.

With respect to the Mexican indemnities, the subject had been
laid more than once before Congress, not without suggestions that
strong measures should be resorted to. But Congress, in whom
alone is vested the power of declaring war, uniformly declined
doing it.

A convention was entered into on the llth of April, 1839, be
tween the United States and Mexico, by virtue of which a joint
commission was appointed for the examination and settlement of
those claims. The powers of the Commissioners terminated, ac
cording to the convention, in February, 1842. The total amount
of the American claims, presented to the commission, amounted to
6,291,605 dollars. Of these, 2,026,140 dollars were allowed by the
commission ; a further sum of 928,628 dollars was allowed by the
commissioners of the United States, rejected by the Mexican com
missioners, and left undecided by the umpire, and claims amount
ing to 3,336,837 dollars had not been examined.

A new convention, dated January 30, 1843, granted to the Mex
icans a further delay for the payment of the claims which had beer-
admitted, by virtue of which the interest due to the claimants was
made payable on the 30th April, 1843, and the principal of the
awards, and the interest accruing thereon, was stipulated to be
paid in five years, in twenty equal instalments every three months.
The claimants received the interest due on the 30th April, 1843,
and the three first instalments. The agent of the United States
having, under peculiar circumstances, given a receipt for the in-
Nfahnents due in April and July, 1844, before they had been actu
ally paid by Mexico, the payment has been assumed by the United
States and discharged to the claimants.

A third convention was concluded at Mexico on the 20th No
vember, 1843, by the Plenipotentiaries of the two Governments, by
which provision was made for ascertaining and paying the claims,
on which no final decision had been made. In January, 1844, this
convention was ratified by the Senate of the United States, with

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two amendments, which were referred to the Government of
Mexico, but respecting which no answer has ever been made. On
the 12th of April, 1844, a treaty was concluded by the President .
with Texas, for the annexation of that republic to the United
States. This treaty, though not ratified by the Senate, placed the
two countries in a new position, and arrested for a while all nego
tiations. It was only on the 1st of March, 1845, that Congress
passed a joint resolution for the annexation.

It appears most clearly, that the United States are justly entitled
to a full indemnity for the injuries done to their citizens ; that, be
fore the annexation of Texas, there was every prospect of securing
that indemnity ; and that those injuries, even if they had been a
just cause for war, were in no shape whatever the cause of that
in which we are now involved.

Are the United States justly entitled to indemnity for any other
cause ? This question cannot be otherwise solved, than by an in
quiry into the facts, and ascertaining by whom, and how, the war
was provoked.

III. ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.

At the time when the annexation of Texas took place, Texas
had been recognized as an independent power, both by the United
States and by several of the principal European powers ; but its
independence had not been recognized by Mexico, and the two
contending parties continued to be at war. Under those circum
stances, there is not the slightest doubt that the annexation of Texas
was tantamount to a declaration of war against Mexico. Nothing
can be more clear and undeniable than that, whenever two nations
are at war, if a third Power shall enter into a treaty of alliance,
offensive and defensive, with either of the belligerents, and if such
treaty is not contingent, and is to take effect immediately and
pending the war, such treaty is a declaration of war against the
other party. The causes of the war between the two belligerents
do not alter the fact. Supposing that the third party, the inter
fering Power, should have concluded the treaty of alliance with
that belligerent who was clearly engaged in a most just war, the
treaty would not be the less a declaration of war against the other
belligerent.

8

If Great Britain and France were at war, and the United States
were to enter into such a treaty with either, can there be the
slightest doubt that this would be actual war against the other
party ? that it would be considered as such, and that it must have
been intended for that purpose ? If at this moment, either France
or England were to make such a treaty with Mexico, thereby
binding themselves to defend and protect it with all their forces
against any other Power whatever, would not the United States
instantaneously view such a treaty as a declaration of war, and
act accordingly ?

But the annexation of Texas, by the United States, was even
more than a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance. It em
braced all the conditions and all the duties growing out of the
alliance ; and it imposed them forever. From the moment when
Texas had been annexed, the United States became bound to pro
tect and defend her, so far as her legitimate boundaries extended,
against any invasion, or attack, on the part of Mexico : and they
have uniformly acted accordingly.

There is no impartial publicist that will not acknowledge the
indubitable truth of these positions : it appears to me impossible,
that they should be seriously denied by a single person.

It appears that Mexico was at that time disposed to acknowledge
the independence of Texas, but on the express condition, that it
should not be annexed to the United States ; and it has been sug
gested, that this was done under the influence of some European
Powers. Whether this last assertion be true or not, is not known
to me. But the condition was remarkable and offensive.

Under an apprehension that Texas might be tempted to accept
the terms proposed, the Government of the United States may
have deemed it expedient to defeat the plan, by offering that annex
ation, which had been formerly declined, when the Government
of Texas was anxious for it.

It may be admitted that, whether independent or annexed to
the United States, Texas must be a slave-holding state, so long as
slavery shall continue to exist in North America. Its whole pop
ulation, with hardly any exception, consisted of citizens of the
United States. Both for that reason, and on account of its geo
graphical position, it was much more natural, that Texas should
be a member of the United States, than of the Mexican Con
federation. Viewed purely as a question of expediency, the an-

nexation might be considered as beneficial to both parties. But
expediency is not justice. Mexico and Texas had a perfect right
to adjust their differences and make peace, on any terms they
might deem proper. The anxiety to prevent this result indicated
a previous disposition ultimately to occupy Texas: and when the
annexation was accomplished ; when it was seen, that the United
States had appropriated to themselves all the advantages resulting
from the American settlements in Texas, and from their subsequent
insurrection ; the purity of the motives of our Government be
came open to suspicion.

Setting aside the justice of the proceeding, it is true that it had
been anticipated, by those who took an active part in the annex
ation, that the weakness of Mexico would compel it to yield, or at
least induce her not to resort to actual war. This was verified by
the fact : and had Government remained in the hands with whom
the plan originated, war might probably have been avoided. But
when no longer in power, they could neither regulate the impulse
they had given, nor control the reckless spirits they had evoked.

Mexico, sensible of her weakness, declined war, and only resorted
to a suspension of diplomatic intercourse ; but a profound sense of
the injury inflicted by the United States has ever since rankled in
their minds. It will be found, through all their diplomatic corres
pondence, through all their manifestoes, that the Mexicans, even to
this day, perpetually recur to this never-forgotten offensive measure.
And, on the other hand, the subsequent administration of our Gov
ernment seems to have altogether forgotten this primary act of in
justice, and, in their negotiations, to have acted as if this was only
an accomplished fact, and had been a matter of course.

IV. NEGOTIATIONS AND WAR.

In September, 1845, the President of the United States directed
their consul at Mexico to ascertain from the Mexican Government,
whether it would receive an Envoy from the United States, in
trusted with full power to adjust all the questions in dispute between
the two Governments.

The answer of Mr. De la Pena y Pena, Minister of the Foreign
Relations of Mexico, was, " That although the Mexican nation was

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deeply injured by the United States, through the acts committed by
them in the department of Texas, which belongs to his nation, his
Government was disposed to receive the Commissioner of the United
States who might come to the capital, with full powers from his
Government to settle the present dispute in a peaceful, reasonable
and honorable manner ;" thus giving a new proof that, even in the
midst of its injuries and of its firm decision to exact adequte repa
ration for them, the Government of Mexico does not reply with
contumely to the measures of reason and peace to which it was
invited by its adversary.

The Mexican Minister at the same time intimated, that the pre
vious recall of the whole Naval force of the United States, then
lying in sight of the port of Vera Cruz, was indispensable ; and this
was accordingly done by our Government.

But it is essential to observe that, whilst Mr. Black had, accord
ing to his instructions, inquired, whether the Mexican Government
would receive an Envoy from the United States, with full power
to adjust all the questions in dispute between the two Governments,
the Mexican Minister had answered, that his Government was dis
posed to receive the Commissioner of the United States, who might
come with full powers to settle the present dispute in a peaceful,
reasonable and honorable manner.

Mr. Slidell was, in November following, appointed Envoy Ex
traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America near the Government of the Mexican Republic ; and he
arrived in Mexico on the sixth of December.

Mr. Herrera, the President of Mexico, was undoubtedly disposed
to settle the disputes between the two countries. But taking ad
vantage of the irritation of the mass of the people, his political op
ponents were attempting to overset him for having made, as they
said, unworthy concessions. The arrival of Mr. Slidell disturbed
him extremely ; and Mr. Pena y Pena declared to Mr. Black, that
his appearance in the capital at this time might prove destructive
to the Government, and thus defeat the whole affair. Under these
circumstances General Herrera complained, without any founda
tion, that Mr. Slidell had come sooner than had been understood ;
he resorted to several frivolous objections against the tenor of his
powers; and he intimated that the difficulties respecting Texas
must be adjusted before any other subject of discussion should be
taken into consideration.

II

But the main question was, whether Mexico should receive Mr.
Slidell in the character of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni
potentiary, to reside in the republic. It was insisted by the Mex
ican Government, that it had only agreed to receive a commissioner,
to_Jreat on the questions which had arisen from the events in
Texas ; and that until this was done, the suspended diplomatic in
tercourse could not be restored, and a residing minister plenipo
tentiary be admitted.

Why our Government should have insisted, that the intended
negotiation should be carried on by a residing Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary, is altogether unintelligible. The ques
tions at issue might have been discussed and settled as easily, fully
and satisfactorily, by commissioners appointed for that special
purpose, as by residing ministers or envoys. It is well known that
whenever diplomatic relations have been superseded by war, trea
ties of peace are always negotiated by commissioners appointed
for that special purpose, who are personally amply protected by
the law of nations, but who are never received as resident minis
ters, till after the peace has restored the ordinary diplomatic inter
course. Thus the treaty of peace of 1783, between France and
England, was negotiated and concluded at Paris by British com
missioners, whom it would have been deemed absurd to admit as
resident envoys or ministers, before peace had been made.

The only distinction which can possibly be made between the
two cases is, that there was not as yet actual war between 'Mexico
and the United States. But the annexation of Texas was no
ordinary occurrence. It was a most clear act of unprovoked
aggression ; a deep and most offensive injury ; in fact, a declara
tion of war, if Mexico had accepted it as such. In lieu of this-,
that country had only resorted to a suspension of the ordinary
diplomatic relations. It would seem as if our Government had
considered this as an act of unparalleled audacity, which Mexico
must be compelled to retract, before any negotiations for the ar
rangement of existing difficulties could take place ; as an insult to
the Government and to the nation, which must compel it to assert
its just rights and to avenge its injured honor.

General Herrera was not mistaken in his anticipations. His
government was overset in the latter end of the month of Decem
ber, 1845, and fell into the hands of those who had denounced him

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for having listened to overtures of an arrangement of the difficul
ties between the two nations.

When Mexico felt its inability to contend with the United
States ; and, instead of considering the annexation of Texas to be,
as it really was, tantamount to a declaration of war, only sus
pended the ordinary diplomatic relations between the two coun
tries, its Government, if directed by wise counsels, and not im
peded by popular irritation, should at once, since it had already
agreed to recognize the independence of Texas, have entered into
a negotiation with the United States. At that time there would
have been no intrinsic difficulty in making a final arrangement^
founded on an unconditional recognition of the independence of
Texas, within its legitimate boundaries. Popular feeling and the
ambition of contending military leaders, prevented that peaceable
termination of those unfortunate dissensions.

Yet, when Mexico refused to receive Mr. Slidell as an Envoy
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, the United States
should have remembered, that w.e iiad been the aggressors, that
we had committed an act acknowledged, as well by the practical
law of nations, as by common sense and common justice, to be
tantamount to a declaration of war ; and they should have waited
with patience, till the feelings excited by our own conduct had
subsided.

General Taylor had been instructed by the War Department, as
early as May 28, 1845, to cause the forces under his command to
be put into a position where they might most promptly and effici
ently act in defence of Texas, in the event that it should become
necessary or proper to employ them for that purpose. By subse
quent instructions, and after the people of Texas had accepted the
proposition of annexation, he was directed to select and occupy a
position adapted to repel invasion, as near the boundary line, the
Rio Grande, as prudence would dictate ; and that, with this view,
a part of his forces at least should be west of the river Nueces.
It was certainly the duty of the President to protect Texas against
invasion, from the moment it had been annexed to the United
States; and as that republic was in actual possession of Corpus
Christi, which was the position selected by General Taylor, there
was nothing, in the position he had taken, indicative of any danger
of actual hostilities.

But our Government seems to have considered the refusal, on the

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part of Mexico, to receive Mr. Slidell as a resident Envoy of the
United States, as necessarily leading to war. The Secretary of
State, in his letter to Mr. Slidell of January 28, 1846, says :
" Should the Mexican Government finally refuse to receive you,
the cup of forbearance will then have been exhausted. Nothing
can remain but to take the redress of the injuries to our citizens,
and the insults to our Government, into our own hands." And
again, " Should the Mexican Government finally refuse to receive
you, then demand passports from the proper authority, and return
to the United States. It will then become the duty of the Presi
dent to submit the whole case to Congress, and call upon the nation
to assert its just rights, and avenge its injured honor."

With the same object in view, the Secretary of War did, by his
letter dated January 13, 1846, instruct General Taylor "to ad
vance and occupy, with the troops under his command, positions
on or near the east bank of the Rio del Norte It is pre
sumed Point Isabel will be considered by you an eligible position.
This point, or some one near it, and points opposite Matamoras
and Mier, and in the vicinity of Laredo, are suggested for your

consideration Should you attempt to exercise the right,

which the United States have in common with Mexico, to the free
navigation of this river, it is probable that Mexico would interpose
resistance. You will not attempt to enforce this right without
further instructions It is not designed, in our present re
lations with Mexico, that you should treat her as an enemy ; but,
should she assume that character by a declaration of war, or any
open act of hostility towards us, you will not act merely on the
defensive if your relative means enable you to do otherwise."

The administration was therefore of opinion, that this military
occupation of the territory in question was not an act of hostility,
towards Mexico, or treating her as an enemy. Now, I do aver,
without fear of contradiction, that whenever a .territory claimed
by two powers is, and has been for a length of time in the posses
sion of one of them, if the other should invade and take possession
of it by a military force, such an acljs a ^p^a^cjt^ofjbpjtility
according to the acknowledged and practical law of nations. In
this case the law of nations only recognizes a clear and positive
fact.

The sequel is well known. General Taylor, with his troops, left
Corpus Christi, March 8th__to llth, 1846, and entered the desert

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which separates that place from the vicinity of the del Norte.
On the 21st he was encamped three miles south of the Arroyo, or
Little Colorado, having by the route he took marched 135 miles,
and being nearly north of Matamoras about thirty miles distant.
He had on the 19th met a party of irregular Mexican cavalry,
who informed him that they had peremptory orders, if he passed
the river, to fire upon his troops, and that it would be considered
a declaration of war. The river was however crossed without a
single shot having been fired. In a proclamation issued on the
12th, General Mejia, who commanded the forces of the Depart
ment of Tamaulipas, asserts, that the limits of Texas are certain
and recognized, and never had extended beyond the river Nueces,
that the cabinet of the United States coveted the regions on the
left bank of the Rio Bravo, and that the American army was now
advancing to take possession of a large part of Tamaulipas. On
the 24th March General Taylor reached a point on the route from
Matamoras to Point Isabel, eighteen miles from the former, and
ten from the latter place, where a deputation sent him a formal
Protest of the Prefect of the Northern District of the Department
of Tamaulipas, declaring, in behalf of the citizens of the district,
that they never will consent to separate themselves from the Mex
ican Republic, and to unite themselves with the United States.
On the 12th of April, the Mexican General, Ampudia, required
General Taylor to break up his camp within twenty-four hours,
and to retire to the other bank of the Nueces river, and notified
him that, if he insisted in remaining upon the soil of the Depart
ment of Tamaulipas, it would clearly result that arms alone must
decide the question ; in which case, he declared that the Mexicans
would accept the war to which they had been provoked. On the
24th of April, General Arista arrived in Matamoras, and on the
same day, informed General Taylor, that he considered hostilities
commenced, and would prosecute them. On the same day, a
party of sixty-three American dragoons, who had been sent some
distance up the left bank of the river, became engaged with a very
large force of the enemy, and after a short affair, in which about
sixteen were killed or wounded, were surrounded and compelled
to surrender. These facts were laid before Congress by the
President in his message, of the llth of May.

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V. THE CLAIM OF TEXAS TO THE RIO DEL
NORTE, AS ITS BOUNDARY, EXAMINED.

From what precedes it appears, that the Government of the
United States considered the refusal of Mexico to receive a resi
dent Envoy, or minister as a sufficient cause for war ; and the Rio
del Norte as the legitimate boundary of Texas. The first opinion
is now of no importance ; but the question of boundary, which
was the immediate cause of hostilities, has to this day been the
greatest impediment to the restoration of peace. I feel satisfied,
that if this was settled, there would be no insuperable difficulty in
arranging other pretensions.

The United States claim no other portion of the Mexican do
minions, unless it be by right of conquest. The tract of country
between the RloJ^uecesj^ is the only one, which

has been claimed by both parties, as respectively belonging either
to Texas or to Mexico. As regards every other part of the Mex
ican possessions, the United States never had claimed any portion
of it. The iniquity of acquiring any portion of it, otherwise than
by fair compact freely consented to by Mexico, is self-evident. It
is, in every respect, most important to examine the grounds on
which the claim of the United States to the only territory claimed
by both nations is founded. It is the main question at issue.

The Republic of Texas did, by an act of I^gember 1836, de
clare the Rio del Norte to be its boundary. It wiTTnot feTseriously
contended, that a nation has a right, by a law of its own, to deter
mine what is or shall be the boundary between it and another
country. The act was nothing more than the expression of
the wishes or pretensions of the Government. Its only practical
effect was that, emanating from its Congress or legislative body, it
made it imperative on the Executive, not to conclude any peace
with Mexico, unless that boundary was agreed to. As regards
right, the act of Texas is a perfect nullity. We want the argu
ments and documents by which the claim is sustained.

On a first view the pretension is truly startling. There is no
exception : the Rio Norte from its source to its mouth is declared
to be the rightful boundary of Texas. That river has its source

16

within the department, province, or state of New Mexico, which
it traverses through its whole length from north to south, dividing
it into two unequal parts. The lai gest and most populous, including
Santa Fe, the capital, lies on the left bank of the river, and is
therefore embraced within the claim of Texas. Now this prov
ince of New Mexico was first visited and occupied by the Spaniards
under Vasquez Coronado, in the years 1540 to 1542. It was at
that time voluntarily evacuated, subsequently re-visited, and some
settlements made about the year 1583: finally conquered in 1595
by the Spaniards, under the command of Onate. An insurrection
of the Indians drove away the Spaniards in the year 1680. They
re-entered it the ensuing year, and after a long resistance re-con
quered it. This was an internal conflict with the Aborigines ; but
as related to foreign powers, the sovereignty of the Spaniards over
the territory was never called in question ; and it was, in express
terms, made the western boundary of Louisiana in the Royal
Charter of the French Government.

The conquest of the province by Onate, took place five-and-
twenty years prior to the landing of the Pilgrims in New England,
and twelve years before any permanent settlement had been made
in North America, on the shores of the Atlantic, by either Eng
land, France, Holland, Sweden, or any other power, but that in
Florida by Spain herself.

I have in vain sought for any document, emanating from the
Republic or State of Texas, for the purpose of sustaining its claim
either to New Mexico or to the country bordering on the lower
portion of the del Norte. The only official papers within my
reach, in which the claim of Texas is sustained, are the President's
messages of May 11 and Dec. 3rd, 1846 ; and these refer only to
the country bordering on the lower part of the del Norte. The
portion of the message of May llth, 1846, relating to that subject,
is as follows : " Meantime Texas, by the final action of our Con
gress, had become an integral part of our Union. The Congress
of Texas, by its act of December 19, 1836, had declared the Rio
del Norte to be the boundary of that republic. Its jurisdiction had
been extended and exercised beyond the Nueces. The country
between that river and the del Norte had been represented in the
Congress and in the Convention of Texas ; had thus taken part in
the act of annexation itself; and is now included within one of
our congressional districts. Our own Congress had, moreover,

17

with great unanimity, by the act appro veJ December 31, 1845,
recognized the country beyond the Nueces as a part of our terri
tory, by including it within our own revenue system ; and a rev
enue officer, to reside within that district, has been appointed, by
and with the advice and consent of the Senate. It became, there
fore, of urgent necessity to provide for the defence of that portion
of our country. Accordingly, on the 13th of January last, instruc
tions were issued to the general in command of these troops to
occupy the left bank of the del Norte

The movement of the troops to the del Norte was made by the
commanding general, under positive instructions to abstain from
all aggressive acts towards Mexico or Mexican citizens, and to re
gard the relations between that Republic and the United States as
peaceful, unless she should declare war, or commit acts of hostility
indicative of a state of war. He was specially directed to protect
private property, and respect personal rights."

In his annual message of jDejcemlgrJtJlS^B, the President states
that Texas, as ceded to the United States by France in 1803, has
been always claimed as extending west to the Rio Grande ; that
this fact is established by declarations of our Government during
Mr. Jefferson's and Mr. Monroe's administrations ; and that the
Texas which was ceded to Spain by the Florida treaty of 1819,
embraced all the country now claimed by the State of Texas be
tween the Nueces and the Rio Grande.

He then repeats the Acts of Texas with reference to their boun
daries ; stating that " during a period of more than nine years,
which intervened between the adoption of her constitution and
her annexation as one of the States of our Union, Texas asserted
and exercised many acts of sovereignty and jurisdiction over the
territory and inhabitants west of the Nueces ; such as organizing
and defining limits of counties extending to the Rio Grande ; es
tablishing courts of justice, and extending her judicial system over
the territory ; establishing also a custom-house, post-offices, a land-
office, &c."

The President designates by the name of Texas, the cession of
Louisiana by France to the United States; and he again calls the
territory ceded to Spain by the Florida treaty of 1819, the Texas,
He intimates that the claim of the United States to the territory
between the Sabine and the Rio Norte, was derived from the
boundaries of Texas, and that by claiming as far west as this river.

18

the United States did recognize that it was the boundary of the
Texas. I really do not understand what is meant by this assertion.

The United States claimed the Rio Norte as being the legitimate
boundary of Louisiana, and not of Texas. Neither they nor France
had ever .been in possession of the country beyond the Sabine.
Spain had always held possession, and had divided the territory
into provinces as she pleased. One of these was called Texas, and
its boundaries had been designated and altered at her will. With
these the United States had no concern. If their claim could be
sustained, it must be by proving that Louisiana extended of right
thus far. This had no connection with the boundaries which
Spain might have assigned to her province of Texas. These
might have extended beyond the Rio del Norte, or have been east
of the Rio Nueces. There is not the slightest connection between
the legitimate boundaries of Louisiana, and those of the Spanish
province of Texas. The presumed identity is a mere supposition.

It is not necessary to discuss the soundness of the pretensions
to the Rio Norte, asserted by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Monroe, since
they were yielded in exchange of Florida and some other objects
by the treaty of 1819 ; a treaty extremely popular at the time, and
the execution of which was pressed with great zeal and perseve
rance.

Whenever ultimately ceded to Mexico, that republic fixed its
boundaries as it thought proper. Texas and Cohahuila were de
clared to form a state ; andjhe Rio Nueces was made the boun
dary of Texas. When Texas declared itself independent, it was
the insurrection of only part of a state ; for Cohahuila remained
united to Mexico. But the Rio Nueces was the boundary be
tween the department of Texas and the state of Tamaulipas. The
whole contested territory lies within the limits of Tamaulipas,
J which never was, under the Mexican Government, connected in
any shape with Texas.

The question now under consideration is only that between the
United States and Mexico ; and in that view of the subject, it is
quite immaterial whether the acts of the United States emanated
from Congress, or from the Executive. No act of either, recog
nizing the country beyond the Nueces, as a part of the territory
of the United States, can be alleged against Mexico, as a proof of
their right to the country thus claimed. Any such act is only an
assertion, a declaration, but not an argument sustaining the right.

19

It is, however, proper to observe here, that the port of delivery
west of the Nueces, erected by the act of Congress " To establish a
collection district in the state of Texas," was at Corpus Christi, a
place which was in the actual possession of that state.

It must also be premised that, in the joint resolution for the an
nexation of Texas, the question of the boundary between it and
Mexico was expressly reserved, as one which should be settled by
treaty between the United States and Mexico.

The only arguments in the President's message, which sustain
the right of Texas to territory beyond the Nueces, are contained
in those passages, in which it is asserted, that the jurisdiction of
Texas had been extended and exercised beyond the Nueces : that
the country between that river and the del Norte had been repre
sented in the Congress and Convention of Texas, had taken part
in the annexation itself, and was now included within one of our
congressional districts.

But it is not stated in the President's message, how far beyond
the Nueces, the jurisdiction of Texas had been extended, nor
what part of the country between that river and the del Norte
had been represented in the Congress and convention of Texas,
and was then included within one of our congressional districts.

Now the actual jurisdiction beyond the Nueces never extended
farther than the adjacent settlement of San Patricio, consisting of
about twenty families. That small district, though beyond the
Nueces, was contiguous to, and in the actual possession of Texas.
On this account it might be rightfully included within the limits,
which we were bound to protect against Mexican invasion.

But what was the country between this small settlement of San
Patricio, or between Corpus Christi and the Rio del Norte, over
which it might be supposed from the message, that the jurisdiction
of Texas had been extended ; so as to be included within one of
our congressional districts ? Here again, Texas had erected that
small settlement into a county called San Patricio, and declared
that this county extended to the Rio del Norte. This, like all
other declaratory acts of the same kind, was only an assertion not
affecting the question of right. The State of Texas might, with
equal propriety, have declared that their boundary extended to the
Sierra Madre or to the Pacific. The true question of right to
any territory beyond the Mexican limits of the Department of
Texas depends on the facts : By whom was the territory in

20

question actually inhabited and occupied ? and had the inhabitants
united with Texas in the insurrection against Mexico ?

The whole country beyond the settlement of San Patricio and
Corpus Christi, till within a few miles of the del Norte, is a per
fect desert, one hundred and sixty miles wide by the route pursued
by General Taylor, as stated by himself, and near one hundred
and twenty miles in a straight line.

The only settled part of it is along the left bank of the del
Norte, and but a few miles in breadth. This belt was settled, in
habited, and occupied exclusively by Mexicans. It included the
town of J^rejdo ; and Mexico had a custom-house at Brazos, north
of the mouth of the river. Till occupied by the American arms
it had ever been, and was at the time when invaded by General
Taylor, a part of the Department of Tamaulipas, and subject to
the jurisdiction of the Prefect of the Northern District of that
department.

In the course of the war between Mexico and Texas, incursions
had been occasionally made by each party into the territories of the
other. A Mexican officer had, once or twice, obtained temporary
occupation of San Antonio, within the limits of Texas ; and the
Texans had on one occasion taken Loredo itself, and more than
once had carried their arms, not only to the left bank of the del
Nprte, but even beyond that river. In both cases the aggressive
parties had been repulsed and expelled. The last Texan ex
pedition of that kind took place in December, 1842, and termi
nated in their defeat at Mier.

That the country, adjacent to the left bank of the river, was ex
clusively in the possession of the Mexicans, was well known to our
Government.

When General Taylor marched to the del Norte, he issued an
order (No. 30), translated into the Spanish, ordering all under his
command, to observe with the most scrupulous respect the rights
of all the inhabitants, \vho might be found in peaceful prosecution
of their respective occupations, as well on the left as on the right
side of the Rio Grande. No interference, he adds, will be allowed
with the civil rights or religious privileges of the inhabitants.

In June, 1845, General Taylor had been directed to select and
occupy, on or near the Rio Grande del Norte, such a site as would
be best adapted to repel invasion and to protect our Western bor-

21

der. But on the 8th of July following, the Secretary of War (Mr.
Marcy) addressed the following letter to him.

" This Department is informed that Mexico has some military
establishments on the East side of the Rio Grande, which are, and
for some time have been, in the actual occupancy of her troops.
In carrying out the instructions heretofore received, you will be
careful to avoid any acts of aggression, unless an actual state of
war should exist. The Mexican forces at the posts in their pos
session, and which have been so, will not be disturbed as long as
the relations of peace between the United States and Mexico con
tinue."

On the 30th July, 1845, the Secretary again addresses Gen.
Taylor as follows : " You are expected to occupy, protect and de
fend the territory of Texas, to the extent that it has been occupied
by the people of Texas. The Rio Grande is claimed to be the
boundary between the two countries, and up to this boundary you
are to extend your protection, only excepting any posts on the
Eastern side thereof, which are in the actual occupancy of Mexi
can forces, or Mexican settlements, over which the Republic of
Texas did not exercise jurisdiction at the period of annexation, or
shortly before that event. It is expected, in selecting the estab
lishment for your troops, you will approach as near the boundary
line, the Rio Grande, as prudence will dictate. With this view,
the President desires that your position, for a part of your forces at
least, should be west of the River Nueces."

The Mexican settlements, thus excepted, are not those over which
Texas did not claim jurisdiction, but those on the East bank of the
Rio Grande, over which Texas did not exercise jurisdiction at the
period mentioned. The President had no authority to give up the
boundary claimed by Texas ; but it is clear that at that time, when
war was not contemplated, the Administration was of opinion that,
till the question was definitively settled, the occupancy by the
Mexicans of the territory adjacent the left bank of the del Norte
ought not to be disturbed. Neither the subsequent refusal by
Mexico to receive a residing Envoy, nor the successes of the Amer
ican arms have affected the question of right. The claim of Texas,
whether to New Mexico, or to the lower portion of the Rio Norte,
was identically the same, as invalid and groundless in one case as
in the other. Why a distinction has been made by the Executive
has not been stated. The fact is that he has established a tempo-

22

rary government for New Mexico, as a country conquered, and
without any regard to the claim of Texas ; whilst, on the other
hand, he has permitted that State to extend its jurisdiction over
the country lying on the left bank of the del Norte, which, like
New Mexico, had been conquered by the arms of the United
States. Not a shadow of proof has been adduced to sustain the
pretensions of Texas to that district ; and justice imperiously re
quires that it should by the treaty of peace be restored to Mexico.

It so happens that the boundary, which may be traced in con
formity with this principle, is a natural one, and that, as a measure
of expediency, none more eligible could have been devised. A
desert of one hundred and twenty miles separate* the most South
westerly ..Texan, settlements of Corpus Christi and San Patricio,
from those of the Mexicans, on the left bank of the del Norte,
than which no boundary could be devised, better calculated to pre
vent collisions hereafter between the two nations. It will be suf
ficient, for that purpose, to draw a nominal line through the desert,
leaving all the waters that empty into the Rio Norte to Mexico,
and all those that empty into the Rio Nueces to Texas, together
with such other provisions, respecting fortifications and military
posts, as may be necessary for the preservation of peace.

The line of the Rio Norte is one, from which Mexico would be
perpetually threatened, and from which their adjacent town on the
eastern bank may be bombarded. Such an intolerable nuisance
would perpetuate most hostile feelings. With such a narrow river
as the Rio del Norte, arid with a joint right of navigation, repeated
collisions would be unavoidable.

Among these, when there was nothing but a fordable river to
cross, slaves would perpetually escape from Texas : and where
would be the remedy ? Are the United States prepared to impose
by a treaty on Mexico, where slavery is unknown, the obligation to
surrender fugitive slaves ?

"X Mexico is greatly the weaker power, and requires a boundary,
which will give her as much security as is practicable. It is not
required, either for the preservation of peace, or for any other le
gitimate purpose, that the United States should occupy a threat
ening position. It cannot be rationally supposed, that Mexico will
ever make an aggressive war against them ; and even in such
case, the desert would protect them against an invasion. If a war
should ever again take place between the two countries, the over-

23

whelming superiority of the Navy of the United States will enable
them to carry on their operations wherever they please. They
would, within a month, re-occupy the left bank of the Rio Norte,
and within a short time, effect a landing and carry the war to any
quarter they pleased.

Must the war be still prosecuted for an object of no intrinsic
value, to which the United States have no legitimate right, which
justice requires them to yield, and which even expediency does
not require ?

VI. RECAPITULATION.

It is an indisputable fact, that the annexation of Texas, then at
war with Mexico, was tantamount to a declaration of war, and
that the comparative weakness of Mexico alone prevented its
Government from considering it as such.

Under these circumstances, it was evidently the duty of the
United States to use every means to soothe and conciliate the
Mexicans, and to wait with patience for an unconditional recogni
tion of the independence of Texas, till the feelings excited by our
aggression had subsided.

It has been shown that after Mexico had resorted, as a substitute
for war, to the harmless suspension of the ordinary diplomatic in
tercourse, the attempt to make it retract that measure, before any
negotiations for the restoration of harmony between the two coun
tries should be entered into, was neither countenanced by the ac
knowledged law of nations, nor necessary for any useful purpose,
nor consistent with a proper and just sense of the relative position
in which the aggressive measure of the United States had placed
the two countries. But that the refusal of Mexico to submit to
that additional contumely, should have been considered as an insult
to the United States, betrays the pride of power, rather than a just
sense of what is due to the true dignity and honor of this nation^

It has been demonstrated, that the republic of Texas had not a
shadow of right to the territory adjacent to the left bank of the
lower portion of the Rio Norte ; that though she claimed, she never
had actually exercised jurisdiction over any portion of it ; that the
Mexicans were the sole inhabitants, and in actual possession of that

24

district ; that therefore its forcible occupation by the army of the
United States was, according to the acknowledged law of nations,
as well as in fact, aiL a^LaJLopen hostility and war: that the re
sistance of the Mexicans to that invasion was legitimate ; and that
therefore the war was unprovoked by them, and commenced by
the United States.

If any doubt should remain of the correctness of these state
ments, let them be tested by the divine and undeniable precept,
" Do unto others as you would be done by."

If at this moment France was to contract a treaty of defensive
and offensive alliance with Mexico, a treaty taking effect imme
diately, and pending the war between the United' States and
Mexico, and binding herself to defend it with all her forces against
any and every other Power, would not the United States at once
consider such a treaty as a declaration of war against them ?

If, in lieu of declaring war against Great Britain, in the year
1812, the United States had only suspended the ordinary diplomatic
relations between the two countries ; and Great Britain had de
clared that she would not enter into any negotiation for the settle
ment of all the subjects of difference between the two countries,
unless the United States should, as a preliminary condition, restore
those relations ; would not this have been considered as a most in
solent demand, and to which the United States never would submit ?

If the United States were, and had been for more than a century,
in possession of a tract of country, exclusively inhabited and gov
erned by them, disturbed only by the occasional forays of an en
emy ; would they not consider the forcible military invasion and
occupation of such a district by a third Power, as open and un
provoked war, commenced against them ? And could their resist
ance to the invasion render them liable to the imputation of having
themselves commenced the war ?

Yet it would seem as if the splendid and almost romantic suc
cesses of the American arms had, for a while, made the people of
the United States deaf to any other consideration than an enthu
siastic and exclusive love of military glory; as if, forgetting the
Origin of the_war, and with an entire disregard for the dictates of
justice, Ihey thought that those successes gave the nation a right
A/to dismember Mexico, arid to appropriate to themselves that which
did not belong to them.

But I do not despair, for I have faith in our institutions and in

25

the people ; and I will now ask them whether this was their mis
sion ? and whether they were placed by Providence on this conti
nent for the purpose of nultiv^jlng falsa glojy r and of sinking to
he level of those vulgar conquerors who have at all times deso
lated the earth.

VII. THE MISSION OF THE UNITED STATES.

The people of the United States have been placed by Emvidence
in a position never before enjoyed by any other nation. They are
possessed of a most extensive territory, with a very fertile soil, a
variety of climates and productions, and a capacity of sustaining
a population greater, in proportion to its extent, than any other
territory of the same size on the face of the globe.

By a concourse of various circumstances, they found themselves,
at the epoch of their independence, in the full enjoyment of relig
ious, civil, and political liberty, entirely free from any hereditary
monopoly of wealth or power. The people at large were in full
and quiet possession of all those natural rights, for which the peo
ple of other countries have for a long time contended, and still do
contend. They were, and you still are the supreme sovereigns,
acknowledged as such by all. For the proper exercise of these un
controlled powers and privileges, you are responsible to posterity,
to the world at large, and to the Almighty Being who has poured
on you such unparalleled blessings.

Youjrjriission is, to improve the state of the world, to be the
" Model Republic," to show that men are capable of governing
themselves, and that this simple and natural form of government is
that also which confers most happiness on all, is productive of the
greatest development of the intellectual faculties, above all, that
which is attended with the highest standard of private and* political
virtue and morality.

Your forefathers, the founders of the Republic, imbued with a
deep feeling of their rights and duties, did not deviate from those
principles. The sound sense, the wisdom, the probity, the respect
for public faith, with which the internal concerns of the nation
were managed, made our institutions an object of general admira
tion. Here, for the first time, was the experiment attempted with

4

26

any prospect of success, and on a large scale, of a Representative
Democratic Republic. If it failed, the last hope of the friends of
mankind was lost or indefinitely postponed ; and the eyes of the
world were turned towards you. Whenever real, or pretended ap
prehensions of the imminent danger of trusting the people at large
with power, were expressed, the answer ever was, " Look at Amer
ica!"

In their external relations the United States, before this unfor
tunate war, had, whilst sustaining their just rights, ever acted in
strict conformity with the dictates of justice, and displayed the ut
most moderation. They never had voluntarily injured any other
nation. Every acquisition of territory from Foreign Powers was
honestly made, the result of Treaties, not imposed, but freely as
sented to by the other party. The preservation of peace was ever
a primary object. The recourse to arms was always in self defence.
On its expediency there may have been a difference of opinion ;
that, in the only two instances of conflict with civilized nations
which occurred during a period of sixty three years, (1783 to 1846),
the just rights of the United States had been invaded by a long con
tinued series of aggressions, is undeniable. In the first instance,
war was not declared ; and there were only partial hostilities be
tween France and England. The Congress of the United States,
the only legitimate organ of the nation for that purpose, did, in
1812, declare war against Great Britain. Independent of depreda
tions on our commerce, she had, for twenty years, carried on an
actual war against the United States. I say, actual war, since
there is now but one opinion on that subject ; a renewal of the
impressment of men sailing under the protection of our flag would
be tantamount to a declaration of war. The partial opposition to
the war of 1812, did not rest on a denial of the aggressions of Eng
land and of the justice of our cause, but on the fact that, with the
exception of impressments, similar infractions of our just rights had
been committed by France, and on the most erroneous belief, that
the administration was partial to that country, and insincere in
their apparent efforts to restore peace.

At present, all these principles would seem to have been aban
doned. The most just, a purely defensive war, and no other is
justifiable, is necessarily attended with a train of great and una
voidable evils. What shall we say of one, iniquitous in its origin,

27

and provoked by ourselves, of a war of aggression, which is now
publicly avowed to be one of intended conquest.

> its necessary consequences will be, a permanent

increase of our military establishment and of executive patronage :
its general tendency, to make man hate man, to awaken his worst
passions, to accustom him to the taste of blood. It has already de
moralized no inconsiderable portion of the nation.

The general peace, which has been preserved between the great
European powers during the last thirty years, may not be ascribed
to the purest motives. Be these what they may, this long and un
usual repose has been most beneficial to the cause of humanity.
Nothing can be more injurious to it, more lamentable, more scan
dalous, than the war between two adjacent republics of North
America.

Your mission was, to be a model for all other governments and
for all other less favored nations, to adhere to the most elevated
principles of political morality, to apply all your faculties to the
gradual improvement of your own institutions and social state,
and, by your example, to exert a moral influence most beneficial
to mankind at large. Instead of this, an appeal has been made to
your worst passions ; to cupidity, to the thirst of unjust aggrandize
ment by brutal force ; to the love of military fame and of false
glory ; and it has even been tried to pervert the noblest feelings
of your nature. The attempt is made to make you abandon the
lofty position which your fathers occupied, to substitute for it the
political morality and heathen patriotism of the heroes and states
men of antiquity.

I have said, that it was attempted to pervert even your virtues.
Devotedness to country, or patriotism, is a most essential virtue,
since the national existence of any society depends upon it. Un
fortunately, our most virtuous dispositions are perverted, not only
by our vices and selfishness, but also by their own excess. Even
the most holy of our attributes, the religious feeling, may be per
verted from that cause, as was but too lamentably exhibited in the
persecutions, even unto death, of those who were deemed heretics.
It is not, therefore, astonishing, that patriotism, carried to excess,
should also be perverted. In the entire devotedness to their coun
try, the people, everywhere and at all times, have been too apt to
forget the duties imposed upon them by justice towards other na-

28

tions. It is against this natural propensity that you should be
specially on your guard. The blame does not attach to those who,
led by their patriotic feelings, though erroneous, flock around the
national standard. On the contrary, no men are more worthy of
admiration, better entitled to the thanks of their country, than
those who, after war has once taken place, actuated only by the
purest motives, daily and with the utmost self-devotedness, brave
death and stake their own lives in the conflict against the actual
enemy. I must confess, that I do not extend the same charity to
those civilians, who coolly and deliberately plunge the_ country into
any unjust or unnecessary war.

We should have but one conscience : and most happy would it
be for mankind, were statesmen and politicians only as honest, in
their management of the internal or external national concerns, as
they are in private life. The irreproachable private character of
the President, and of all the members of his administration, is
known and respected. There is not one of them who would not
spurn with indignation the most remote hint that, on similar pre-
tences to those alleged for dismembering Mexico, he might be cap
able of an attempt to oppropriate to himself his neighbor's farm.

In the total absence of any argument that can justify the war in
which we are now involved, resort has been had to a most extra
ordinary assertion. It is said, that the people of the United States
have an hereditary superiority of race over the Mexicans, which
"' gives them the right to subjugate and keep in bondage the inferior
nation. This, it is also alleged, will be the means of enlightening
the degraded Mexicans, of improving their social state, and of ulti
mately increasing the happiness of the masses.

Is it compatible with the principle of Democracy, which rejects
every hereditary claim of individuals, to admit an hereditary supe-
Viority of races ? You very properly deny, that the son can, in
dependent of his own merit, derive any right or privilege what
ever, from the merit or any other social superiority of his father.
Can you for a moment suppose, that a very doubtful descent from
men, who lived one thousand years ago, has transmitted to you a
superiority over your fellow-men ? But the Anglo-Saxons were
inferior, la the Goths, from whom the Spaniards claim to be de
scended ; and they were in no respect superior to the Franks and
to the Burgundians. It is not to their Anglo-Saxon descent, but to
a variety of causes, among which the subsequent mixture of

29

Frenchified Normans, Angevins and Gascons must not be forgot
ten, that the Eoglish^araJMeJ^ institutions.
In the progressive improvement of mankind, much more has been
due to religious and political institutions, than to races. When
ever the European nations, which, from their language, are pre
sumed to belong to the Latin or to the Sclavonian race, shall have
conquered institutions similar to those of England, there will be no
trace left of the pretended superiority of one of those races above
the other. At this time, the claim is but a pretext for covering
and justifying unjust usurpation and unbounded ambition.

But admitting, with respect to Mexico, the superiority of race,
this confers no superiority of rights. Among ourselves, the most
ignorant, the most inferior, either in physical or mental faculties, is
recognized as having equal rights, and he has an equal vote with
any one, however superior to him in all those respects. This is
founded on the immutable principle that no one man is born with
the right of governing another man. He may, indeed, acquire a
moral ; nfluence over others, and no other is legitimate. The same
principle will apply to nations. However superior the Anglo-
American race may be to that of Mexico, this gives the Americans
no right to infringe upon the rights of the inferior race. The
people of the United States may rightfully, and will, if they use
the proper means, exercise a most beneficial moral influence over
the Mexicans, and other less enlightened nations of America. Be
yond this they have no right to go.

The allegation that the subjugation of Mexico would be the
means of enlightening the Mexicans, of improving their social
state, and of increasing their happiness, is but the shallow attempt
to disguise unbounded cupidity and ambition. Truth never was
or can be propagated by fire, and sword, or by any other than
purely moral means. By these, and by these alone, the Christian
religion was propagated, and enabled, in less than three hundred
years, to conquer idolatry. During the whole of that period,
Christianity was tainted by no other blood than that of its martyrs.

The duties of the people of the United States towards other
nations are obvious. Never losing sight of the divine precept,
o to others as you would be done by," they have only to con-
suit their own conscience. For our benevolent Creator has im
planted in the hearts of men the moral sense of right and wrong,

30

and that sympathy for other men, the evidences of which are of
daily occurrence.

It seems unnecessary to add anything respecting that false glory
which, from habit and the general tenor of our early education, we
are taught to admire. The task has already been repeatedly per
formed, in a far more able and impressive manner, than anything
I could say on the subject. It is sufficient to say that, at this
time, neither the. dignity or honor of the nation demand a further
sacrifice of invaluable lives, or even of money. The very reverse
is the case. The true honor and dignity of the nation are insepa
rable from justice. Pride and vanity alone demand the sacrifice.
Chough so dearly purchased, the astonishing successes of the
American arms have at least put it in the power of the United
States to grant any terms of peace, without incurring the imputa
tion of being actuated by any but the most elevated motives. It
would seem that the most proud and vain must be satiated with
glory, and that the most reckless and bellicose should be sufficiently
glutted with human gore.

A more truly glorious termination of the war, a mor splendid
spectacle, an example more highly useful to mankind at large, can
not well be conceived, than that of the victorious forces of the
United States voluntarily abandoning all their conquests, without
requiring anything else than that which was strictly due to our
citizens.

VIII. TERMS OF PEACE.

I have said that the unfounded claim of Texas to the territory
between the Nueces and the Rio Norte, was the greatest impedi
ment to peace. Of this there can be no doubt. For if, relinquish
ing the spirit of military conquest, nothing shall be required but
the indemnities due to our citizens, the United States have only to
accept the terms which have been offered by the Mexican Govern
ment. It consents to yield a territory five degrees of latitude, or
near 350 miles in breadth, and extending from New Mexico to the
Pacific. Although the greater part of this is quite worthless, yet
the portion of California lying between the Sierra Neveda and the
Pacific, and including the port of San Francisco, is certainly worth

31

much more than the amount of indemnities justly due to our citi
zens. It is only in order to satisfy those claims, that an accession
of territory may become necessary.

It is not believed that the Executive will favor the wild sugges
tions of a subjugation, or annexation of the whole of Mexico, or
of. any of its interior provinces. And, if I understand the terms
offered by Mr. Trist, there was no intention to include within
the cessions required, the Province of New Mexico. But the de
mand of both Old and New California, or of a sea-coast of more
than thirteen hundred miles in length (lat. 23 to 42), is extrava
gant and unnecessary. The Peninsula is altogether worthless,
and there is nothing worth contending for South of San Diego, or
about lat. 32.

In saying that, if aaaquest is not the object of the war, and if
the pretended claim of Texas to the Rio del Norte shall be aban
doned, there cannot be any insuperable obstacle to the restoration
of peace, it is by no means intended to assert that the terms here
tofore proposed by either party are at this time proper. And I
apprehend that the different views of the subject entertained by
those who sincerely desire a speedy and just peace, may create
some difficulty. There are some important considerations which
may become the subject of subsequent arrangements. For the
present, nothing more is strictly required than to adopt the prin
ciple of status ante helium, or, in other words, to evacuate the
Mexican territory, and to provide for the payment of the indem
nities due to our citizens. The scruples of those who object to
any cession whatever of territory, except on terms unacceptable
to the Southern States, might be removed by a provision, that
would only pledge a territory sufficient for the purpose, and leave
it in the possession of the United States until the indemnities had
been fully paid.

Was I to listen exclusively to my own feelings and opinions, I
would say, that, if the propositions which I have attempted to es
tablish are correct ; if I am not mistaken in my sincere conviction,
that the war was unprovoked by the Mexicans, and has been one

1 J . ,:,., .- ...-"...,. "

of jniguitous aggression^on^our^art ; it necessarily follows that,
accordingTo tKe Hlctates of justice, the United States are bound to
indemnify them, for having invaded their territory, bombarded their
towns, and inflicted all the miseries of war on a people, who were
in defence of their own homes. If all this be true, the

32

United States would give but an inadequate compensation for the
injuries they have inflicted, by assuming the payment of the indem
nities justly due to their own citizens.

Even if a fair purchase of territory should be convenient to both
parties, it would be far preferable to postpone it for the present,
among other reasons, in order that it should not have the appear
ance of being imposed on Mexico. There are also some important
considerations, to which it may not be improper to call at this time
the public attention.

Our population may at this time be assumed, as amounting to
twenty millions. Although the ratio of natural increase has already
been lessened, from thirty three to about thirty per cent, in ten
years, the deficiency has been, and will probably continue, for a
while, to be compensated by the prodigious increase of immigration
from foreign countries. An increase of thirty per cent, would add
to our population six millions, within ten, and near fourteen millions
in twenty years. At the rate of only twenty five per cent, it will
add five millions in ten, and more than eleven millions in twenty
years. That the fertile uncultivated land, within the limits of the
States admitted, or immediately admissible in the Union, could
sustain three times that number is indubitable. But the indomita
ble energy, the locomotive propensities, and all the habits of the
settlers of new countries are such, that, not even the united efforts
of both Governments can or will prevent their occupying within
twenty if not within ten years, every district, as far as the Pacific,
and whether within the limits of the United States or of Mexico,
which shall not have previously been actually and bonafide occu
pied and settled by others. It may be said that this is justifiable by
Natural Law ; that, for the same reason, which sets aside the right
of discovery, if not followed by actual occupation within a reason
able time, the rights of Spain and Mexico have been forfeited by
their neglect, or inability, during a period of three hundred years, to
colonize a country, which, during the whole of that period, they held
undisputed by any other foreign nation. And it may perhaps be
observed that, had the Government of the United States waited for
the operation of natural and irresistible causes, these alone would
have given them, without a war, more than they want at this mo
ment.

However plausible all this may appear, it is nevertheless certain,
that it will be an acquisition of territory for the benefit of the peo-

33

pie of the United States, and insolation of solemn treaties. Not
only collisions must be avoided, and the renewal of another illicit
annexation be prevented ; but the two countries must coolly con
sider their relative position ; and whatever portion of territory, not
actually settled by the Mexicans, and of no real utility to them,
they may be disposed to cede, must be acquired by a treaty freely
assented to, and for a reasonable compensation. But this is not the
time for the discussion of a proper final arrangement. We must
wait till peace shall have been restored, and angry feelings shall
have . jsubsidecT St present the only object is Peace, immediate
peace, a just peace, and no acquisition of territory, but that which
may be absolutely necessary for effecting the great object in view.
The most simple terms, those which will only provide for the ad
justment of the Texas boundary and for the payment of the indem
nities due to our citizens, and, in every other respect, restore things
as they stood before the beginning of hostilities, appear to me the
most eligible. For that purpose I may be permitted to wish, that
the discussion of the terms should not be embarrassed by the intro
duction of any other matter. There are other considerations,
highly important, and not foreign to the great question of an ex
tension of territory, but which may, without any inconvenience or
commitment, be postponed, and should not be permitted to impede
the immediate termination of this lamentable war.

I have gone farther than I intended. It is said that a rallying
point is wanted by the friends of peace. Let them unite, boldly
express their opinions, and use their utmost endeavors in promot
ing an immediate termination of the war. For the people, no
other banner is necessary. But their representatives in Congress
assembled are alone competent to ascertain, alone vested with the
legitimate power of deciding what course should be pursued at this
momentous crisis, what are the best means for carrying into effect
their own views, whatever these may be. We may wait with
hope and confidence the result of their deliberations.

I have tried, in this essay, to confine myself to the questions at
issue between the United States and Mexico. Whether the Ex
ecutive has, in any respect, exceeded his legitimate powers ; whether
he is, for any of his acts, liable to animadversion, are questions
which do not concern Mexico.

5

34

There are certainly some doubtful assumptions of power, and
some points on which explanations are necessary. The most im
portant is the reason, which may have induced the President,
when he considered the war as necessary and almost unavoidable,
not to communicate to Congress, which was all that time in ses
sion, the important steps he had taken, till after hostilities, and in
deed actual war had taken place. The substitution, for war con
tributions, of an arbitrary and varying tariff, appears to me to be
of a doubtful nature ; and it is hoped, that the subject will attract
the early attention of Congress. I am also clearly of opinion, that
the provisions of the law respecting volunteers, which authorizes
them to elect their officers, is a direct violation of the constitution
of the United States, which recognizes no other land force than the
army and the militia, and which vests in the President and Senate
the exclusive power of appointing all the officers of the United
States, whose appointments are not otherwise provided for in the
constitution itself. (With respect to precedents, refer to the act
of July 6th, 1812, chap. 461, (cxxxviii.) enacted with due delibe
ration, and which repeals, in that respect, the act on same subject
of February 6th, 1812.)

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Gallatin, A. G169
Peace with Mexico.

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